didyouvoteforthis.ca  ·  A Public Ledger of UCP Fiscal Decisions
// Running total since 2019 $74B+ in confirmed cost, lost investment & transferred liability to Albertans How this is counted
Independent fiscal commentary

Alberta voted for transparency.
We got "transparency."

An itemized public accounting of United Conservative Party decisions since 2019 where the dollar figure is on the public record — and the result, by any honest measure, is a loss to the people of this province. Sourced to Hansard, the Auditor General of Alberta, the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, and mainstream Canadian journalism. Nothing on this site is a rumour. Every line is followed by the link.

// The principle this ledger is built on

Fiscal responsibility is what the word means — not the team you wear it for.

This is not a partisan attack site. It is a ledger. If you voted United Conservative because you wanted careful stewardship of public money — the kind that says government should not be in the business of picking winners — this is the bill you are being asked to pay for the version that arrived instead.

The Canadian Taxpayers Federation, an organisation that endorsed the UCP's tax cuts and is in no one's definition of a left-wing think tank, has itself counted roughly $5 billion in corporate welfare announced in the UCP's first term. The province's own finance department, in a leaked internal review, warned that a $950-million petrochemical subsidy lacked economic merit and would reward projects that would have proceeded anyway.

Conservatism, on a balance sheet, is supposed to look like reluctance to spend. This is what the opposite looks like.

Every figure below comes from primary government documents, the Auditor General, Crown corporation filings, or mainstream news organisations whose reporting was never retracted. There are no anonymous sources, no rumours, no inferences. There is only the bill.

// Statement of account · April 2019 — Present
Direct losses & corporate welfare
$10.7B+
Restructuring & advocacy
$245M+
Stalled investment
$33B
Liability transferred to public
$30B+
Cumulative confirmed exposure to Albertans: approximately $74 billion. Direct losses & corporate welfare are dollars committed by government that did not return to the treasury. Restructuring & advocacy are spending on Crown advocacy bodies, organisational restructures, and the proposed police-force study. Stalled investment is private capital paused or redirected by policy decisions. Liability transferred to public is industry cleanup obligations that were once on private balance sheets and are now on the province's. Each figure below is independently sourced and individually disputable. The total is the sum of what the public record shows.

The Line Items

13 entries

Each entry pairs the government's framing at the time with what the public record shows happened. Where a number is contested, the lower confirmed figure is used. If you can show any item below is wrong, email corrections (link below) and we'll fix it on the next revision — that is what an honest ledger does.

01
Direct loss · Confirmed

The Keystone XL gamble

FY 2019—2021  ·  Premier Kenney  ·  Alberta Petroleum Marketing Commission
$1.3B CAD  /  written off
Government framing

An "investment" in a pipeline that would generate, by Premier Kenney's own claim to the Legislature, $30 billion in royalties and price uplift over twenty years. A "calculated decision," in the words of then-Finance Minister Travis Toews, that delivered "thousands of jobs."

What actually happened

In March 2020 the UCP committed $1.5 billion in direct equity plus a $6 billion loan guarantee to TC Energy. Joe Biden — who served as Vice President under Obama, who twice rejected the project, and who publicly committed during his campaign to cancellation — cancelled the permit on his first day in office. Toews later confirmed total exposure landed "just under $1.3 billion." The province is still pursuing recovery under legacy NAFTA rules.

This is the textbook case for why a fiscally conservative government should not be in the venture-capital business. Money for the equity stake was routed through five numbered companies, including two registered in Delaware, with up to $7 million in administration fees identified by a provincial audit. A risk that any reasonable due diligence would have flagged was placed anyway.

02
Direct loss · Confirmed

The crude-by-rail divestment

FY 2019—2020  ·  Premier Kenney  ·  Alberta fiscal updates Feb & Aug 2020
$2.1B CAD  /  final cost to exit
Government framing

A campaign promise to cancel a "risky deal" signed by the previous government, on the principle that the province "should not be in the business of buying rail cars." In February 2020 Premier Kenney publicly announced the divestment had saved Alberta taxpayers $500 million on a $1.3-billion total loss.

What actually happened

The $1.3-billion figure announced in February 2020 ballooned silently to $2.1 billion by the August 2020 fiscal update. The Auditor General also identified an unreported $637-million expense connected to 19 contracts the government had publicly stated were divested when 11 were still held.

One can defend the principle — government generally should not be leasing rail cars. But the principle does not cover undisclosed cost growth of nearly a billion dollars between two fiscal updates, a six-month gap during which the public was not informed. That is a transparency failure, not a conservative virtue.

03
Direct loss + structural seizure · Confirmed

AIMCo, the Heritage Fund, and the lawsuits legislated away

2019—Present  ·  Kenney → Smith  ·  Alberta Investment Management Corporation
$2.1B CAD  /  VOLTS losses + $118B in pensions captive + Heritage Fund control consolidated
Government framing

"Arms-length" and "independent" investment management of Alberta's public assets — the original premise of the institution. AIMCo currently manages approximately $118 billion in public-sector pension assets representing teachers, police officers, and municipal workers, and approximately $32 billion in the Alberta Heritage Savings Trust Fund.

In January 2025, Premier Smith announced the Heritage Fund Opportunities Corporation (HFOC) with a goal of growing the Heritage Fund to $250 billion by 2050 — framed as a return to Lougheed's original vision.

What actually happened

2020: AIMCo's CEO confirmed approximately $2.1 billion was lost on a strategy called VOLTS — a derivative bet on market volatility. An independent risk analyst told The Tyee the loss was "predictable and preventable."

2019: Bill 22 had simultaneously forced public-sector pensions, including teachers' assets, to use AIMCo as their sole manager — over the explicit objection of the Alberta Teachers' Association.

November 2024: Finance Minister Nate Horner fired the entire AIMCo board, the CEO, and three senior executives in a single day. Two weeks later, former prime minister Stephen Harper was named chair. Three pension plans have been seeking to recover roughly $1.3 billion in losses through arbitration.

January 2025: The Heritage Fund Opportunities Corporation announced. Under questioning, Finance Minister Horner confirmed the new corporation can "invest that seed funding in a different way than AIMCo" — i.e., outside AIMCo's risk and return discipline — into "areas that matter to Albertans" including AI and water infrastructure.

November 2025: Bill 12 introduced — legislation specifically barring public-sector pension plans from suing AIMCo for losses incurred before November 2024.

The sequence is the story. The pensions were forced in. The losses happened. The board was fired without an investigation made public. A former prime minister was installed at the top. A new investment vehicle was created with a mandate to invest into politically chosen sectors. And then the lawsuits seeking to recover the original losses were legislated away.

Captive pension funds cannot leave. The institution managing them cannot be sued. The politicians directing it have publicly attached their reputations to its performance — while simultaneously creating a $250-billion-target investment vehicle next to it that can be steered toward the priorities of the government of the day.

The Fraser Institute — an organisation in no one's definition of a left-wing think tank — has now published two commentaries warning that the HFOC's mandate appears to prioritise "political goals over investment returns" and that "Albertans should be wary." When the Fraser Institute is sounding the alarm on a Conservative-branded fund management decision, the case is being made by friendly witnesses.

04
Corporate welfare · CTF analysis

$5 billion in corporate welfare

2019—2021  ·  Premier Kenney  ·  Identified by the Canadian Taxpayers Federation
$5.0B CAD  /  14 announcements, first term
Government framing

Strategic investments in Alberta's economy, particularly in the petrochemical and energy sectors. Premier Kenney had previously campaigned in the 1990s, as head of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, for a "No More Boondoggles" law to keep government out of business subsidies.

What actually happened

The CTF identified 14 corporate-welfare announcements in the UCP's first term totalling roughly $5 billion — about $1,125 per Albertan. The largest single component was a $950-million Petrochemical Diversification Program. According to the CTF, the province's own finance department warned internally that the program "lacked economic merit, would blow a further hole in the budget" and "could benefit projects that would have gone ahead regardless of the incentives."

The United Conservative Party ran on being the party that would look out for taxpayers, but now the UCP is helping itself to tax dollars meant to support struggling Albertans. — Franco Terrazzano, Alberta Director, Canadian Taxpayers Federation, 2020

This entry exists because the most credible witness for fiscal conservatism in Alberta — the Canadian Taxpayers Federation — says it exists. When the CTF describes the same government as "playing investment banker with our tax dollars," the case is being made by friendly witnesses.

05
Operational spending · Confirmed

The Canadian Energy Centre — "the war room"

2019—2024  ·  Kenney → Smith  ·  Crown corporation, since wound up
$66M+ CAD  /  over its operating life
Government framing

A "rapid response war room" to fight what Premier Kenney called "a campaign of lies, of defamation and disinformation" against Alberta's energy sector. Originally budgeted at $30 million per year, structured as a private corporation specifically to be exempt from Freedom of Information requests.

What actually happened

The Auditor General scolded the Centre in 2020 for $1.3 million in sole-sourced contracts without adequate justification. Its public output included a copyright dispute over a logo allegedly copied from a Boston software company, an attack on a Netflix children's animated film, and incorrect public claims about oil & gas's share of GDP. By June 2024 total spending was over $66 million. The Allan Inquiry — itself commissioned by Premier Kenney — concluded the Centre's "credibility is seriously compromised" and "may have been damaged beyond repair."

The Centre was funded out of the Technology Innovation and Emissions Reduction (TIER) fund, a pool meant for reducing carbon emissions. If you believe a government should be efficient, transparent, and accountable, this organisation was none of those things.

06
Operational spending · Confirmed

The Allan Inquiry into "anti-Alberta" energy campaigns

2019—2021  ·  Premier Kenney  ·  Final report October 2021
$3.5M CAD  /  over budget by $1M, three deadline extensions
Government framing

A public inquiry to investigate "foreign-funded campaigns" allegedly attacking Alberta's energy industry. Energy Minister Sonya Savage called the final $3.5-million spend money well spent.

What actually happened

Commissioner Steve Allan's final report stated, in his own words, that he "found no suggestions of wrongdoing on the part of any individual or organization. No individual or organization, in my view, has done anything illegal." The targeted environmental groups had been, in his characterisation, "exercising their rights of free speech."

The Commissioner had previously donated to the UCP leadership campaign of the Justice Minister who later appointed him — a fact he was not required to disclose under the inquiry's terms.

07
Direct loss · Confirmed · RCMP investigating

The Atabay deal — "Turkish Tylenol"

December 2022  ·  Premier Smith  ·  Children's pain medication procurement
$80M CAD  /  $70M product + $10M shipping & admin
Government framing

An emergency procurement of five million units of children's acetaminophen and ibuprofen from Turkey-based Atabay Pharmaceuticals during the December 2022 national shortage. The province said it would offset costs by reselling surplus to other provinces.

What actually happened

According to a confidential briefing note obtained by the Globe and Mail, the contract paid 6.7 times the usual confidential AHS contract price for equivalent product. Of five million bottles ordered, only 1.5 million were ever shipped to Alberta. Of those, fewer than 5,000 bottles ever reached community pharmacies. The remaining stock began expiring in November 2025.

The contractor on this deal, MHCare Medical, is now the subject of an active RCMP criminal investigation, and the Mounties executed search warrants on MHCare's Edmonton offices in March 2026. See the Conduct page for the full record.

08
Restructuring cost · Government estimate

Dismantling Alberta Health Services

2023—Ongoing  ·  Premier Smith  ·  AHS split into four agencies
$85M CAD  /  restructuring cost over two years
Government framing

A "fundamental rethink" of a system Premier Smith characterized as failing during COVID. The plan: split Alberta Health Services — a $17-billion delivery agency with 88,000 employees — into four separate organizations.

What actually happened

Health policy experts across Canada describe integrated systems — the kind being dismantled — as the global "holy grail" approach. The AHS board has been fired twice in three years. In early 2025 a single deputy minister was appointed to simultaneously hold three jobs: AHS official administrator, interim CEO, and deputy minister of health. The former CEO has alleged she was pressured to approve private surgical contracts of "significantly increased cost."

None of this $85 million increases the number of doctors, nurses, hospital beds, or operating rooms. It pays for new logos, new org charts, new contracts of employment, and new lines of reporting.

09
Direct loss · Auditor General

The DynaLIFE lab privatisation failure

2022—2023  ·  Kenney → Smith  ·  AG report November 2025
$109M CAD  /  sunk cost + buyout, AG-confirmed
Government framing

A 15-year, $4.8-billion contract signed in spring 2022 to outsource community lab services province-wide to private operator DynaLIFE, projected to deliver up to $102 million per year in savings. After 2023's election, Premier Smith and Health Minister LaGrange "recognised DynaLIFE's inability to deliver" and brought lab services back in-house.

What actually happened

The Auditor General's November 2025 report documented that the projected savings collapsed to $18–36 million per year after a "calculation error" was found, and that AHS itself determined the privatised contract would deliver "costs equivalent to current expenditures." The Health Minister was briefed on the collapse and directed AHS to proceed regardless. DynaLIFE was insolvent within 90 days; the contract was terminated at a buyout cost of $32 million plus $77 million in sunk costs.

Total non-value-added cost across all government-initiated lab procurements 2013–2023: $125 million. The Auditor General was unable to access approximately 1,200 documents withheld in their entirety, and former AHS chief executive notebooks the Auditor General had requested were destroyed. That part of the story is on the Conduct page.

10
Polluter-pay failure · Auditor General

Orphan wells — the polluter-pay principle, abandoned

2019—Present  ·  Kenney → Smith  ·  Alberta Energy Regulator
$30B+ CAD  /  cleanup liability transferred to public
Government framing

A complex legacy issue inherited from previous administrations. The Alberta Energy Regulator's stated principle is that "the industry, rather than Alberta taxpayers, remain responsible for cleanup." Energy Minister Brian Jean has said tackling the full cost in any single year would be "impractical and uneconomic."

What actually happened

The Regulator's own estimate of total cleanup liability for conventional oil and gas wells is at least $30 billion. It holds approximately $227 million in security against that — less than one cent on every dollar of liability. The federal government provided Alberta with $1 billion in dedicated cleanup funding during the pandemic. Alberta returned $137 million of it unspent in September 2024, while tens of thousands of wells remain inactive across the province. Industry owes rural municipalities approximately $268 million in unpaid local taxes.

The polluter-pay principle is a foundational conservative idea: if you make a mess on private property, you clean it up. This is a textbook market failure being subsidised, not corrected, by government.

11
Spending without mandate

The Alberta Provincial Police proposal

2019—Present  ·  Kenney → Smith  ·  Replace the RCMP
$366M+ CAD  /  estimated transition cost (PwC)
Government framing

A "fit for Alberta" police service that, in the words of then-Justice Minister Kaycee Madu, would be "more efficient and cost effective." The proposal grew out of the 2019 Fair Deal Panel and has been kept alive through successive ministers despite a near-total absence of public support.

What actually happened

The province paid approximately $2 million to PricewaterhouseCoopers to study the question. The study estimated transition costs of approximately $366 million over six years and annual operating costs $130–150 million higher than under the RCMP, before accounting for the loss of the federal government's $170-million annual subsidy. A subsequent independent analysis put the cost at roughly $550 million more annually. Polling found 80 percent of Albertans opposed.

Rural Alberta municipalities, who would bear the operational impact, have repeatedly stated they want to keep the RCMP. The proposal has been re-branded several times — APPS, IAPS — but never put to a referendum. A proposal that costs more, employs fewer trained officers, is not wanted by the affected communities, and exists primarily because the government wants it to exist, is the literal opposite of fiscally conservative governance.

12
Stalled investment · Independent analysis

The renewable energy moratorium

August 2023  ·  Premier Smith  ·  Seven-month pause + ongoing restrictions
$33B CAD  /  in stalled private investment
Government framing

A "necessary pause" to address concerns around land use, reclamation, and "pristine viewscapes."

We need to ensure we're not sacrificing our future agricultural yields, or tourism dollars, or breathtaking viewscapes to rush renewable developments through. — Premier Danielle Smith, February 28, 2024
What actually happened

The Pembina Institute identified 118 active renewable projects affected, representing approximately $33 billion in private investment, an estimated 24,000 job-years of construction work, and $263 million in annual municipal taxes and land leases across 27 municipalities. Three-quarters of all renewables built in Canada the year prior had been built in Alberta.

Internal documents obtained under FOI showed the Alberta Electric System Operator's CEO was "not comfortable" with the pause. Premier Smith publicly claimed AESO had requested the pause. The documents proved AESO did not.

Even if Alberta built enough solar to supply 100 percent of provincial electricity demand, it would use approximately one-tenth of one percent of agricultural land. Sheep grazing under solar arrays is common practice. The "viewscape" rule would put approximately 76 percent of southern Alberta off-limits to renewables. Oil and gas pump-jacks, coal mines, and gravel pits face no equivalent restriction. This is government picking winners against $33 billion of private capital.

13
Foregone investment · Confirmed by company filing

Teck Frontier — the climate framework that wasn't built

February 2020  ·  Premier Kenney  ·  Withdrawn before federal decision
$20.6B CAD  /  project value · $70B in foregone government revenue (Teck filing)
Government framing

Premier Kenney's response, on the day Teck withdrew its application: a "grave disappointment" caused by the federal government's "lack of courage to defend the interests of Canadians in the face of a militant minority." His office's first public statement claimed Teck had cited "public safety concerns" as a factor in the withdrawal. That statement was pulled from the government website but remained on the Premier's Twitter account.

It is what happens when governments lack the courage to defend the interests of Canadians in the face of a militant minority. — Premier Jason Kenney's office, February 23, 2020
What Teck's CEO actually wrote

Teck CEO Don Lindsay's letter to the federal Minister of Environment and Climate Change cited no blockades, no "public safety concerns," and no federal indecision as the reason for withdrawal. What it did cite, in its own words, was that "global capital markets are changing rapidly and investors and customers are increasingly looking for jurisdictions to have a framework in place that reconciles resource development and climate change. This does not yet exist here today."

The estimated impact: 7,000 construction jobs, 2,500 operating jobs, more than $70 billion in projected government revenue over the project's 40-year lifespan, and a $1.13 billion writedown for Teck itself.

This entry is on the ledger for two distinct reasons.

The first is the climate-policy vacuum. Lindsay's letter named the absence of a framework "to reconcile resource development and climate change" as a reason Teck could no longer attract capital to the project. Alberta is the responsible jurisdiction for oil sands emissions policy. In 2019, the UCP repealed Alberta's existing carbon levy and dismantled the Climate Leadership Plan that had been built precisely to provide such a framework. No replacement of comparable rigour was ever introduced. Six years later, the same political pattern repeats — the renewable energy moratorium has stalled $33 billion of the kind of low-carbon investment that does fit the framework operators say they need (see Item 12). You cannot demand investment certainty and then refuse to provide policy certainty.

The second is the documented misrepresentation of Teck's letter. The Premier's office issued a public statement falsely claiming Teck had cited "public safety concerns" as a reason for withdrawal. Teck's letter contains no such language. The statement was pulled from the government website but remained on the Premier's Twitter account. A subsequent statement from the Premier's office acknowledged the "error." That is a transparency failure on the public record, separate from the policy failure that allowed the situation to arise.

The fiscally-conservative reading of this is straightforward: the federal government deserves no exemption for its own indecision, and global oil prices were obviously a contributing factor to Teck's economics. But Alberta is the jurisdiction with policy authority over the oil sands. The framework Teck named as missing was within Alberta's power to help build — and the UCP's own actions in 2019 made it less likely to exist, not more.

How this ledger is built

Every figure on this site is a number on the public record. The standard for inclusion is straightforward: the dollar amount must be confirmed by one of the following:

  • the Government of Alberta itself, in a budget document, ministerial statement, or Hansard transcript;
  • the Auditor General of Alberta;
  • the responsible Crown corporation, in a financial statement or CEO communication;
  • the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, where the data is drawn from publicly disclosed government announcements;
  • an independent research institution (Pembina Institute, University of Calgary's Public Interest Law Clinic) drawing on AESO, AUC, AER, or Statistics Canada data.

Items reported only by anonymous sources, partisan press releases, or unverifiable estimates do not appear here. Where a figure is contested, the lower number is used and the dispute is noted.

This is a critical accounting, not a comprehensive evaluation. Governments make defensible decisions; this ledger is not the place to find them. The bar for inclusion is whether a reasonable, fiscally-conservative observer would look at the entry and recognise it as a loss.

// Editorial notice

This is independent political commentary and analysis. The framing, the selection of items, and the characterisation of decisions reflect the editorial judgment of the author. The underlying facts and dollar figures are sourced to mainstream Canadian journalism, the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, and primary government documents, all linked above. Nothing on this page is paid content. The site uses no analytics, trackers, or third-party scripts beyond font loading.