didyouvoteforthis.ca  ·  A Public Ledger of UCP Fiscal Decisions
// Running total since 2019 $74B+ in confirmed cost, lost investment & transferred liability to Albertans See the receipts
A companion to The Receipts

Manufactured consent.

The Alberta Next Panel was not a public consultation. It was a push-polling operation in which the answers were chosen before the questions were asked, the panel was hand-picked from one party, the dissenting option was missing from the ballot, and a propaganda video was mandatory before participation. Sourced to CBC News, the Canadian Press, the Alberta Federation of Labour, and the panel's own published surveys.

// What a public consultation is supposed to be

A consultation is a question. This was a script.

There is a real, legitimate, well-developed practice in democratic governance for soliciting citizen input on contested questions of policy. It involves neutral wording, balanced information, representative panels, the option to disagree, and analysis by parties without a stake in the outcome. The Alberta Next Panel had none of these features. CBC News described its first six surveys as a "slanted push poll designed to stir up discontent with the federal government." The Alberta Federation of Labour called the surveys "push polls with zero validity as a measure of public opinion."

Three Conservative MLAs sat on the panel. Zero opposition MLAs were appointed, despite the NDP holding 38 of 87 seats in the Legislature. Participants were required to watch a panel-produced propaganda video before answering, and the original surveys did not allow respondents to disagree with the underlying premise — only to choose from government-approved benefits and government-approved concerns. If you opposed the policy, the survey did not record you.

This is not how you ask Albertans what they think. It is how you tell them what they think and call it a consultation.
3
UCP MLAs
on the panel
0
NDP MLAs
on the panel
0
"none of the above" options
in the original surveys
1
mandatory propaganda video
before answering

I. The questions, as they were actually asked

Reproduced from the panel's original public surveys, June 2025

Below are reconstructions of three of the panel's original questions, as documented by CBC News, Global News, the Canadian Press, the Alberta Federation of Labour, and the Gateway. The crossed-out red option is the answer that was not on the survey. That is the entire point of a push poll.

Survey 01 · Provincial Police Force

"What aspect do you like most about an Alberta Police Service?"

What aspect do you like most about an Alberta Police Service?

The question is mandatory. You cannot skip it. The fourth option does not exist on the actual survey. To proceed at all, you must select one of the three positive framings — meaning every respondent, including those who oppose the proposal, is recorded as endorsing one of its supposed benefits.

Polling that forces respondents into pre-selected answers is, in the polling profession's own term of art, a push poll. It is not a measurement of opinion. It is a method of constructing a record that supports a policy already decided.

The independent Alberta polling firm Janet Brown noted publicly that the Alberta Next process was "not a polling exercise" but a public-engagement performance, and that she would still need to conduct her own representative survey before drawing any conclusions about Albertans' actual views.

NDP deputy leader Rakhi Pancholi was direct: "From the beginning to the end, this is all about Danielle Smith setting up the system so that she can have the referendum questions that she wants on the ballot."

Survey 02 · Alberta Pension Plan

"What are the risks of opting out of the Canadian Pension Plan?"

What are the risks of opting out of the Canadian Pension Plan (CPP)?

The Alberta Federation of Labour president Gil McGowan noted that the survey did not mention that the structural difference between Alberta and the federal CPP base "is due to the fact that we have more workers than retirees" — a feature that would change when Alberta's workforce ages, not a permanent advantage of withdrawing.

This is a textbook example of a question constructed so that every available answer benefits the proposal. A respondent who believes opting out of the CPP would be socially and economically destructive cannot record that view. They are, instead, recorded as agreeing it is a matter of "initial transition costs" or "start-up uncertainty."

Albertans have, in independent polling done by qualified pollsters across the past three years, consistently rejected withdrawal from the CPP. The Alberta Next survey did not measure this rejection. It manufactured around it.

Survey 03 · Tax Collection Agency

"What benefits do you see in Alberta collecting its own income taxes?"

What benefits do you see in Alberta collecting its own income taxes?

Quebec is the only province that operates its own tax collection agency. The federal CRA collects income taxes for every other province at zero marginal administrative cost to those provinces. Building a duplicate system in Alberta would require an estimated several hundred million dollars in start-up costs and ongoing annual operating expenses.

The respondent who believes a duplicate Alberta tax agency is fiscally unconservative — an unnecessary new public bureaucracy — cannot record that view. The survey records them, instead, as endorsing one of the government's three pre-selected framings.

This is not measurement. It is a recording mechanism. The question is whether the responses are then cited as evidence for the policy. The answer, predictably, is yes — despite the fact that the responses were generated by a procedure that excluded the answer "no."

II. The mechanism

How the operation was structured

Each individual flaw in the Alberta Next Panel could, in isolation, be defended as an oversight. The combination is the operation.

Mechanism 01
Three UCP MLAs on the panel. Zero opposition MLAs.
// What was framed

The Alberta Next Panel was billed by the government as a public-engagement initiative to gather Albertans' views on the province's relationship with the federal government — on questions of pension, policing, taxation, immigration, and constitutional reform.

// What was true

The three sitting MLAs appointed to the panel — Rebecca Schulz, Brandon Lunty, and Glenn van Dijken — were all from the United Conservative Party. The NDP holds 38 of 87 seats in the Legislature, representing roughly 44 percent of MLAs and a comparable share of the popular vote. Not one was appointed to the panel.

An engagement panel that is told it is consulting with Albertans, but whose membership represents only one of the two parties Albertans have voted for, is not consulting Albertans. It is consulting the government's own caucus and calling it consultation.

Mechanism 02
A mandatory propaganda video, before you could answer the questions
// What was framed

The panel's website pitched the surveys with the line "Your Voice Matters! Watch The Video [and] Weigh In With Your Thoughts."

// What was actually required

Before any respondent could answer a single survey question, they were required to watch a panel-produced video framing the issue from the government's preferred angle. Then, having watched the framing, they were presented with multiple-choice options that excluded disagreement with the underlying premise.

This is the structure of an indoctrination exercise, not a consultation. The Gateway summarised it plainly: "the surveys force participants to answer limited, predetermined questions. We cannot skip a question, so we have no choice but to give a positive response to the government's choices."

Mechanism 03
When the government changed the questions, it called it "an oversight"
// What was said
We're just trying to get some indication of whether or not an issue has sufficient support to put on a ballot.
Premier Danielle Smith, July 17, 2025, after announcing changes to the surveys

Smith characterised the addition of a "none of the above" option, three weeks after the surveys had launched, as a fix for "an oversight."

// What had actually happened

Members of the public, journalists, the AFL, opposition MLAs, and a parody website spent three weeks publicly documenting that the surveys were structurally biased. After sustained criticism, the government added a "none of the above" option to three of the six surveys, but ran the new and old versions concurrently — meaning some respondents had the option to disagree, others did not, and the government announced the results would be combined regardless.

Self-selecting respondents to a self-authored survey is not measurement of public opinion. It is a recording of who agreed to participate.

Mechanism 04
The government's own referendum website is now the subject of an Elections Alberta complaint
// What was framed

"The referendum website was developed to ensure Alberta electors have clear information about the referendums, the questions being asked and what their vote means," the Justice Minister's office told CBC News in March 2026.

// What was filed

The Edmonton-based pro-immigration group Our Alberta Advantage filed a complaint with Elections Alberta in March 2026 alleging the provincial referendum website wrongfully uses taxpayer money to campaign on one side of the questions. Lawyer Avnish Nanda noted that one page of the official site claims "temporary residents cost Alberta taxpayers more than $1 billion per year in social services," while another page asks Albertans to vote on whether to charge non-permanent residents a provincial fee for health care and education.

Crucially: under standard Alberta election law, a referendum tied to a general election is subject to advertising restrictions. One year before the standalone 2026 referendum, the UCP government passed legislation that removed those advertising restrictions for standalone referenda. The Justice Minister's office confirmed this in writing to CBC News.

Translation: a year before launching a one-sided taxpayer-funded campaign on its own referendum questions, the same government changed the law to permit itself to do exactly that.

III. The parody site

A reaction to the operation

Within hours of the launch of the Alberta government's official referendum website in spring 2026, an information-technology worker in Strathmore, Alberta named Stephen Elaschuk stood up a parody site — Alberta Referendumb — to express his frustration with the framing.

On the public record · CBC News profile

"You can't just give one side of the story."

April 2026  ·  Stephen Elaschuk  ·  Strathmore, Alberta

Elaschuk's parody site mirrored the official government referendum website's structure but reframed the questions to highlight what the government's framing left out. In an interview with CBC News, Elaschuk said:

If the government is going to do this and it actually wants to solicit feedback from Albertans, then you can't just give one side of the story. The government ran a multi-million dollar ad campaign to bring people to this province. You can't sit there and say that's the reason you have to wait so long in an ER. — Stephen Elaschuk, IT worker, Strathmore, Alberta

That a single private Albertan with no political affiliation can build a more honest reading of a referendum question, on a weekend, in his spare time, than the government produced with millions of dollars and a dedicated panel, is itself a comment on the official process. The work is not hard. The honesty is.

Sources CBC · Apr 2026

IV. The same playbook, earlier: the APP public engagement

2023 · $9.3 million · Alberta Pension Plan

The Alberta Next Panel is not the first time the UCP government ran a public engagement operation toward a predetermined conclusion on a policy Albertans had already rejected in independent polling. The mechanics were field-tested on the Alberta Pension Plan file three years earlier.

Mechanism 05
$1.8 million for a pension report with no author names and no contact information
// What was commissioned

The UCP government commissioned a report on the Alberta Pension Plan — the proposal to withdraw from the Canada Pension Plan and establish a separate provincial pension fund — from the consulting firm LifeWorks (now Morneau Shepell). The stated purpose: to provide Albertans with an independent, expert analysis of what an APP would look like and what it would deliver.

The contract value: $1.8 million of public funds.

// What the report contained

The LifeWorks report was published without any author names attached to it. It contained no contact information for the authors. It was not peer-reviewed. It was not produced by an independent academic institution or a body with a public accountability structure.

A $1.8 million public document, on a major pension policy question, produced anonymously, from a consulting firm hired by the government, with no mechanism for the authors to be questioned or held accountable for its conclusions. That is not an independent analysis. That is a brief with a price tag.

Federal Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland, responding to the APP proposal, noted that CPP actuaries put the Alberta share of the fund at approximately $334 billion — less than half of the $334 billion the LifeWorks report claimed Alberta was owed. The discrepancy was not resolved before the government began promoting the report's conclusions.

Mechanism 06
$7.5 million for an ad campaign and a Jim Dinning panel — after independent polling showed Albertans didn't want it
// What was framed

Following the LifeWorks report, the government commissioned a public engagement process led by former Progressive Conservative Treasurer Jim Dinning — a friendly witness with deep UCP-adjacent connections — alongside a public advertising campaign promoting the APP proposal. The combined cost: $7.5 million.

The framing was that the government was taking the APP proposal to Albertans for their input before making any decision.

// What independent polling showed throughout

Independent polling conducted throughout 2023 by firms with no stake in the outcome consistently showed Albertans did not support withdrawing from the CPP. A September 2023 Janet Brown poll found 53 per cent of Albertans opposed to the APP, with only 29 per cent in favour. Polling across multiple firms showed the same pattern: a majority opposed, a majority wanting a referendum before any move, and the proposal losing ground the more detail respondents were given.

The government ran $7.5 million in public advertising and a hand-picked panel anyway. The APP proposal was quietly shelved after the 2023 election without a referendum — not because the engagement process produced a clear answer, but because the answer from actual polling was already clear. The $9.3 million total did not change Albertans' minds. It documented, at public expense, a conclusion the government declined to accept.

V. Consent at referendum scale: October 19

Cabinet order-in-council · Angus Reid polling · 2026

The same techniques documented above — a question built to produce a predetermined record, a process nobody on the affected side asked for — have now been scaled to a province-wide referendum.

On the public record · Cabinet order & published polling

The October 19 mechanics

2026  ·  Executive Council  ·  the separation-referendum question

The question Albertans will answer on October 19, as formalized by cabinet:

Should Alberta remain a province of Canada, or should the Government of Alberta commence the legal process required under the Canadian Constitution to hold a binding provincial referendum on whether or not Alberta should separate from Canada?

Thirty-seven words. Angus Reid polling (May 22–24, 2026, n=800) found 51% of Albertans describe the official question as confusing, and 56% say the Premier has handled the issue poorly. The same poll: 60% would vote No, 35% Yes.

The mechanics, per the cabinet order and provincial law: non-binding. No mail-in ballots permitted. Top of an ordered stack of 10 ballot questions. Hand-counted within 48 hours, separation question counted first. Threshold set by the Premier at 50 per cent plus one.

Nobody on either side asked for this version. The lawyer for the pro-separation petition said the Premier dealt the question "from the bottom of the deck," disregarding its 301,000+ signatories. Petitioners on both sides described her handling as a betrayal. The Confederacy of Treaty No. 6 First Nations — on whose territory this site is published — said proceeding "confirms Albertans are living under a separatist regime."

A question half the province finds confusing, with mail-in voting banned, asking permission to begin asking the real question. This page documents manufactured consent. This is what it looks like at referendum scale.

VI. The same playbook, again: coal

Alberta.ca · Coal Industry Modernization Initiative · 2025—2026

Manufactured consent is not only about surveys. It is about who is asked to help write the policy — and who is merely informed of it after the fact.

Mechanism 07
Industry was engaged. You were informed.
// Who developed the policy

Alberta.ca's Coal Industry Modernization Initiative page describes, in the government's own words, who got a seat at the table. The coal industry:

"In 2025, we engaged directly with the industry to develop legislative and regulatory enhancements." And: "We have engaged with coal industry experts to share our requirements of a modern coal policy and develop the recommendations for government."

// Who received information

The public: "We shared information about the Coal Industry Modernization Initiative with municipalities, First Nations and people across Alberta."

Read the verbs. Industry develops the recommendations. The public receives information. The companies that sued the province for $15 billion — and collected nearly $240 million in settlements — were then engaged to help write the policy that replaces the one they sued over. The public got a pamphlet.

// What this page is asking you to consider

A government that already knows the answer it wants doesn't need a survey. It needs a script with three options.

The Alberta Next Panel was not, by any honest reading, a public consultation. It was a marketing campaign for policies that have been repeatedly rejected by Albertans in actual polling: an Alberta Pension Plan (rejected), an Alberta Provincial Police force (rejected by 80 percent of Albertans), an Alberta tax collection agency (a duplicate of a federal service that already costs Alberta nothing). The government's own pollster Janet Brown publicly stated the engagement was "not a polling exercise."

The mechanics of the operation matter because they are reusable — and they have been reused. The APP engagement (Section IV) used the same structure three years earlier: a commissioned report without author accountability, a hand-picked panel chair, $7.5 million in public advertising, and a conclusion that ignored what independent polling was already showing. When a government does this twice, on two different policy files, it is not an oversight. It is a method.

Albertans voted for a government that promised to be transparent, accountable, and trusting of public judgment. What we got was a panel that designed the answers before it asked the questions, and then told us we had answered. The question is whether you intend to keep being told.